[Mb-civic] Democracy is No Tea Party

Michael Butler michael at michaelbutler.com
Mon Feb 7 11:05:30 PST 2005


latimes.com
http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-rushdie7feb07.story
COMMENTARY
Democracy Is No Polite Tea Party
A legal shield against offense? Salman Rushdie finds the notion offensive.
By Salman Rushdie
Salman Rushdie is a novelist and essayist whose works include "Midnight's
Children," which won the Booker Prize, and "The Satanic Verses."

February 7, 2005

I recently returned from a trip to Britain, where I discovered, to my
consternation, that the government is proposing a law to ban what it is
calling "incitement to religious hatred." This measure, much beloved by
liberals, is apparently designed to protect people "targeted" because of
their religious beliefs.

But I see nothing to applaud. To me it is merely further evidence that in
Britain, just as in the United States, we may need to fight the battle for
the Enlightenment all over again.

That battle, you may remember, was about the church's desire to place limits
on thought. Diderot's novel "La Religieuse," with its portrayal of nuns and
their behavior, was deliberately blasphemous: It challenged religious
authority, with its indexes and inquisitions, on what was possible to say.
Most of our contemporary ideas about freedom of speech and imagination come
from the Enlightenment.

But although we may have thought the battle long since won, if we aren't
careful, it is about to be "un-won."

Offense and insult are part of everyday life for everyone in Britain (or the
U.S., for that matter). All you have to do is open a daily paper and there's
plenty to offend. Or you can walk into the religion section of a bookshop
and discover you're damned to various kinds of eternal hellfire, which is
certainly insulting, not to say overheated.

The idea that any kind of free society can be constructed in which people
will never be offended or insulted, or in which they have the right to call
on the law to defend them against being offended or insulted, is absurd.

In the end, a fundamental decision needs to be made: Do we want to live in a
free society or not? Democracy is not a tea party where people sit around
making polite conversation. In democracies, people get extremely upset with
each other. They argue vehemently against each other's positions. (But they
don't shoot.)

At Cambridge I was taught a laudable method of argument: You never
personalize, but you have absolutely no respect for people's opinions. You
are never rude to the person, but you can be savagely rude about what the
person thinks. That seems to me a crucial distinction: People must be
protected from discrimination by virtue of their race, but you cannot
ring-fence their ideas. The moment you say that any idea system is sacred,
whether it's a belief system or a secular ideology, the moment you declare a
set of ideas to be immune from criticism, satire, derision or contempt,
freedom of thought becomes impossible.

With its proposed "incitement to religious hatred" law, Prime Minister Tony
Blair's government has set out to create that impossibility. Privately
they'll tell you the law is designed to please "the Muslims." But which
Muslims, when and on what day?

The ability of this proposed law to protect "the Muslims" seems to me
arguable. It is possible that instead it will be used against Muslims before
it's used against anyone else. There are identifiable racist and right-wing
groups in Britain that would argue that Muslims are the ones inciting
religious hatred, and these groups would use, or try to use, this law
against them.

There is no question that there also are Muslim leaders who are anxious to
prosecute others (for example, me and my book, "The Satanic Verses") and
will try to do so if this law is passed. So this law would unleash some
major expressions of intolerance.

Rioting Sikhs already have forced the closure of Gurpreet Kaur Bhatti's
play, "Behzti," in Birmingham, and the government has said nothing to
criticize them for attacking the theater, breaking windows and issuing death
threats. Hanif Kureishi made one of the best comments about all this when he
noted that the theater was a temple too ‹ just as much as the fictional
temple in the play. Evangelical Christians caught on quickly and protested
against the BBC's screening of "Jerry Springer: The Opera."

What this kind of attitude ultimately does, and what the law would do, is
undermine a principle of free expression that affects everyone in Britain,
religious or not. If we cannot have open discourse about the ideas by which
we live, then we are straitjacketing ourselves.

It does matter that people have the right to take an argument to the point
where somebody is offended by what they say. It's no trick to support the
free speech of somebody you agree with or to whose opinion you are
indifferent. The defense of free speech begins at the point when people say
something you can't stand. If you can't defend their right to say it, then
you don't believe in free speech. You believe in free speech only as long as
it doesn't get up your nose. But free speech does get up people's noses.
Nietzsche called Christianity "the one great curse" and "the one immortal
blemish on mankind." Would Nietzsche now be prosecuted?

There is a long tradition of irreverent, raw and critical remarks about
religion in Britain, some by very eminent thinkers, some by our favorite
comedians ‹ like Rowan Atkinson in "Blackadder" muttering "bad weather is
God's way of telling us we should burn more Catholics." Even if the
government doesn't think that such remarks will find their way into court
prosecutions, the very possibility that they might, at the discretion of its
chief legal advisor, will be enough to bring down the curtains of self- and
corporate censorship.





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