[Mb-civic] Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wisconsin): Why the U.S. must
leave Iraq - Salon.com
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Mon Oct 10 10:14:25 PDT 2005
Why the U.S. must leave Iraq
Sen. Russ Feingold says it's time to admit the war was a disaster -- and
accuses his fellow Democrats of going along with Bush out of fear.
By Michael Scherer - Salon.com
Oct. 10, 2005 | Wisconsin Sen. Russ Feingold has latched his political
future to the third rail of American foreign policy. This summer, he
proposed a date for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq: Dec. 31,
2006. The date raises a specter that no one in Washington -- and
especially no Democrat -- has been willing to broach: that the American
people should begin to prepare for a political failure in Iraq, at least
a failure by President Bush's standard of establishing, before the
troops leave, a fully functional, democratic Iraqi state.
It is not the first time Feingold has gone out on a political limb. In
September, he was the only Democratic senator with presidential
ambitions to support John Roberts. He was the only senator to vote
against the USA Patriot Act. Before that, he spent nearly a decade
fighting the culture of political payola, a fight he won in 2002 with
passage of the McCain-Feingold legislation.
Salon sat down with Feingold last week in his Capitol Hill office, which
he has decorated with the trophies of his career as a populist
politician. There was a photo of his garage door, where he wrote out a
contract to voters in 1992 during his first statewide race. There were
the framed roll-call votes from the final passage of his
campaign-finance legislation. And there was the senator himself, dressed
in pinstripes and a blue-gray tie, speaking with the urgency of a
politician with his eyes on the White House in 2008. In a wide-ranging
interview, he spoke about the "timidity and weakness" of his own party,
the mistakes of Sen. John Kerry, the qualifications of Harriet Miers and
his plan for winning the War on Terror.
If President Bush came to you this afternoon and said, "I've got trouble
in Iraq. What should I do now?" what would you say to him?
"Well, Mr. President," I would say, "we need to get the focus back on
those who attacked us on 9/11." I would say to him that I was proud of
the way he and his administration conducted themselves after 9/11. I
thought his speech to the Congress after 9/11 was one of the best
speeches I've ever heard by a president. I admired not only the focus
but the bipartisanship of his approach in the lead-up to Afghanistan. We
had a historic unity in this country, and I was pleased to be a part of it.
I would then say to the president that I believe the Iraq war was a
divergence from the real issue. Unfortunately, in many ways, it has
played into the hands of those who attacked us on 9/11. I witnessed the
connection that has grown between Osama bin Laden, al-Zarqawi and now
Iraqis who have been radicalized because of our invasion of Iraq. So I
would urge him to think in terms of a strategy where we finish the
military mission. I would ask him to put forward a plan to identify what
that mission is, what the benchmarks are that need to be achieved and
when they can be achieved, and that he publicly announce a target
withdrawal date, so that the American people, the Iraqi people and the
world can see that this is in no way intended to be a permanent American
occupation.
Can you be any more specific about what that plan should entail?
Well, I think it's his job to come up with the specifics. But among the
things that I would certainly be looking for would be first a
recognition that the military mission and the mission of having a
democratic and stable Iraq are actually different things. There is a
tunnel vision in the White House which suggests we are just going to go
out and find the bad guys, we are going to kill them, and we are just
going to stay there until that is done. Well, that actually plays into
the hands of those who are trying to radicalize the Iraqi people.
So the first thing is, I want the plan to recognize that drawing down
our troops in a logical and safe way is a way to defuse the intensity of
the insurgency, especially the continuing and growing presence of
foreign insurgents. The second recognition of the plan should be that
the current troops-on-the-ground military mission is not really the
future for Iraq. Actually it calls into question the legitimacy of the
current Iraqi government. The plan should recognize that it is our
intention to continue joint military operations with the Iraqi
government, with their permission, but targeted, laserlike attacks on
terrorist elements, just as we are doing with other countries around the
world, in the Philippines, Indonesia and other countries. In other
words, we are not invading those countries. We are cooperating. We want
to continue to have Iraq be part of the international fight against
terrorism, but we need to have a course correction. That's the kind of
effort where we would be on the offensive, instead of where we are now,
which is on the defensive.
Would it be acceptable for us to leave Iraq before it is politically
stable, and before the insurgency is calmed down?
If we don't leave, our not leaving is a big part of the political
instability. So it's an absurdity to talk in terms of, "How can we leave
before it is stable?" In fact, the presence of this huge American, and
other [countries'], occupation of this country is what is destabilizing
the country even more. It's a completely illogical conversation for
people to talk in terms of what is already, many believe, almost a civil
war, if not already a civil war. What we need to do is recognize that
Iraqis are going to have to stand on their own. When I suggest that we
withdraw the ground forces in a reasonable manner, this does not mean
that we do not continue reconstruction, it does not mean that we do not
continue to help the government, it does not mean that we do not have a
very strong partnership with the Iraqi government and the Iraqi people
on non-military issues as well as military issues.
This is not just leaving as we did in Vietnam or as we did in Somalia.
That's a mistake.
If after President Bush left, Harry Reid, Nancy Pelosi and Howard Dean
came to your office and said, "We need a more unified Democratic message
on Iraq," would you agree that there is a problem with the Democratic
message?
Absolutely. There is a real timidity and weakness in terms of Democrats
being willing to stand up to this error of American foreign policy. I
think one of the greatest errors in American foreign policy in our
modern lives is the divergence into Iraq that was done by the president.
It is not sufficient for Democrats to point out the dishonest way we
were taken into war. Nor is it sufficient for Democrats to simply point
out that what is being done now is extremely mistaken. Democrats have to
talk in terms of a strategy that, if they were in the White House, they
would implement to successfully finish this particular mission, but more
importantly, to get back to the real focus on the terrorist networks
that attacked us on 9/11.
The Democratic message shouldn't begin with Iraq. The Democratic message
should begin with, "We are committed to fighting and defeating the
terrorist elements that attacked us on 9/11."
(Continued:)
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2005/10/10/feingold/print.html
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