[Mb-civic] RECOMMENDED READING: A Departure's Lasting Damage - E.
J. Dionne - Washington Post Op-Ed
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Fri Oct 28 05:21:42 PDT 2005
A Departure's Lasting Damage
By E. J. Dionne Jr.
Friday, October 28, 2005; Page A23
The damage President Bush and the conservative movement have inflicted
on their drive to pack the Supreme Court with allies will not be undone
by Harriet Miers's decision to withdraw her nomination.
In picking such a vulnerable nominee, Bush single-handedly undercut the
conservatives' long-standing claim that the Senate and the rest of us
owed great deference to a president's choice for the court.
Conservatives displayed absolutely no deference to Bush when he picked
someone they didn't like. The actual conservative "principle" was that
the Senate should defer to the president's choice -- as long as that
choice was acceptable to conservatives. Some principle.
Republicans had railed against Democratic efforts to press court
nominees (including Chief Justice John Roberts) for their views on legal
issues. Back in July The Post disclosed a planning document circulated
among Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee. The document said
nominees for the Supreme Court should avoid disclosing "personal
political views or legal thinking on any issue." Liberals were terribly
gauche and inappropriate for wanting to know someone's opinions before
awarding that person life tenure on the nation's most powerful court.
But it was neither gauche nor inappropriate for conservatives to de mand
that Miers clarify her views on a slew of issues, notably Roe v. Wade .
When liberals asked for clarity, they were committing a sin. When
conservatives asked for clarity, they were engaged in a virtuous act.
Thus are conservatives permitted to alter their principles to suit their
own political situation.
There was also that small matter of a nominee's religious views.
Conservatives condemned liberals who suggested it was worth knowing how
Roberts's religious convictions might affect his judging. But when Miers
started running into trouble with conservatives, the Bush administration
encouraged its allies to talk up Miers's deep religious convictions to
curry favor among social conservatives. I guess it's okay for
conservatives to bring up religion whenever they want, but never
appropriate for liberals to speak of spiritual things.
Even the manner of Miers's exit was disingenuous, not to mention
derivative. In announcing her withdrawal, the White House said that "it
is clear that senators would not be satisfied until they gained access
to internal documents concerning advice provided during her tenure at
the White House -- disclosures that would undermine a president's
ability to receive candid counsel." Miers's decision, the statement
said, "demonstrates her deep respect for this essential aspect of the
constitutional separation of powers."
The White House was following, almost to the letter, the exit strategy
outlined last week by my conservative colleague Charles Krauthammer. But
Krauthammer was honest enough to admit what the White House could not:
that all this verbiage was about saving face. The president had to know
when he named Miers that her lack of a judicial paper trail would make
her advice as White House counsel all the more important for the Senate
to know. Bush figured that conservatives would do what they have so
often done before: roll over, back him up, resist requests for documents
and help him force Miers through. Bad call.
Bush and the conservatives would now like to pretend that none of this
happened. The idea on the right is that Bush should nominate a staunch
conservative with an ample judicial record and pick a big fight with
Democrats that would unite the conservative movement. It's hard to
escape the idea that with special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald
breathing down the administration's neck, the president decided he could
not afford any further fractures in his own political coalition. So he
threw Miers over the side.
This has been a powerfully instructive moment. The willingness of
conservatives to abandon what they had once held up as high and
unbending principles reveals that this battle over the Supreme Court is,
for them, a simple struggle for power. It is thus an unfortunate
reminder of the highly unprincipled Supreme Court decision in 2000 that
helped put Bush in the White House. Conservatives who had long insisted
on deference to states' rights put those commitments aside when doing so
would advance the political fortunes of one of their own.
Miers will recover from all this in a way Bush and the conservatives
will not. She has suffered collateral damage caused by a president who
did not understand the degree to which his power has eroded and did not
grasp the nature of the movement that elected him. And conservatives
will come to regret making their willingness to contradict their own
principles plain for all to see.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/10/27/AR2005102701849.html
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