[Mb-civic] EXCELLENT,
SHOULD READ: The White House's Chilling Effect - Ruth
Marcus - Washington Post Op-Ed
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Tue Feb 21 04:07:30 PST 2006
The White House's Chilling Effect
By Ruth Marcus
Tuesday, February 21, 2006; A15
The Bush administration is constantly telling us that it can't tell us
too much, for fear of chilling debate among the president and his top
advisers. This argument would be a lot more persuasive if -- on the rare
occasions the public is permitted a peak behind the White House curtain
-- there were more evidence of something to chill.
Five years and counting, the notion that this is an insular White House
headed by an incurious president isn't exactly administration-bites-dog
news. But recent developments have reinforced and even broadened this
image: This White House is not just reluctant to hear anything that
conflicts with its pre-set conclusions -- it's also astonishingly
ineffective in obtaining and processing information it wants to have.
The classic version of this phenomenon -- the administration's
disinterest in dissenting views -- is painfully detailed in Foreign
Affairs article by former CIA official Paul R. Pillar describing how the
administration failed to prepare for -- or, Pillar says, even inquire
about -- the "messy aftermath" that intelligence analysts predicted for
Iraq. Pillar's efforts to assign blame to Bush administration
policymakers ought to be taken with a hefty pinch of salt, given the
CIA's own shortcomings. Still, it's maddening to read that the
administration's first request for an analysis of postwar Iraq didn't
come until "a year into the war."
And had the we'll-be-greeted-as-liberators crowd asked? According to
Pillar, the prewar analysis was depressingly prescient: a "long,
difficult and turbulent transition" in which occupying forces become
"the target of resentment and attacks" and Iraq "a magnet for
extremists." The CIA and the White House may have the most publicly
rocky relationship since Ben Affleck and J. Lo, but how is it possible
this information wasn't sought and considered before the fact?
The findings of the House and Senate investigations of the
administration's handling of Hurricane Katrina may be even more
disturbing, though, because they suggest that the administration has a
hard time assimilating and acting on information even when it wants to.
Rep. Tom Davis, the Virginia Republican who headed the surprisingly
hard-hitting House investigation, describes an administration more
concerned about maintaining the chain of command than getting things
done. Yes, senior officials dutifully asked whether FEMA officials had
what they needed, he says, but then were happy simply to accept
assurances that all was fine. And that's what the panel was able to
learn despite what Davis terms a White House "stiff arm" on documents
and interviews. "I've got to believe it would have only gotten worse,"
he says, if the White House had turned over more information.
The White House's handling of what the House report calls "perhaps the
single most important information during Katrina" -- the levee breaches
in New Orleans -- is instructive and depressing: Information was slow to
arrive and inexplicably discounted once it did. On that Monday, a FEMA
official on the scene, Marty Bahamonde, sent reports of a breach and saw
it himself from a helicopter -- though his e-mail didn't reach the White
House until after midnight. Even then, Ken Rapuano, deputy homeland
security adviser, told House investigators that the breach wasn't
considered confirmed because "this was just Marty's observation"; other
officials were still analyzing. Expecting this kind of
bring-me-the-witch's-broomstick level of certainty makes no sense under
such exigent circumstances.
And this leads to The Curious Incident of the Vice President in the
Quail Hunt, about which the most curious part isn't Vice President
Cheney's failure to alert the press (you expected maybe a news
conference?) but the inability of the White House, in this era of
instantaneous communication, to determine quickly what had happened.
According to the White House press office, Chief of Staff Andy Card
called the president around 7:30 p.m. "to inform him that there was a
hunting accident." But, get this: "He did not know the Vice President
was involved at that time." What -- Card forgets to ask who shot Harry?
No one's got the gumption to ask the Cheney folks? They forget to
mention that teensy detail? It took another half-hour, during which Karl
Rove spoke to the ranch owner, before the president was told Cheney was
the shooter.
The cynical journalist's first reaction is that this must be some kind
of dodge to excuse the delay in making the news public. But the official
account seems so ludicrously, humiliatingly inept that it has to be
true; no White House would voluntarily make up this kind of story about
itself.
Perhaps each of these episodes can be explained in ways that don't
expose deeper flaws in White House operations. The White House had a
toxic relationship with the CIA in the run-up to the war. Katrina was a
hurricane like no other. Cheney is a vice president like no other.
But these instances seem more emblematic than anomalous. This White
House prefers its own truth to the inconvenient facts. Layer onto that a
chain of command mentality and a CEO-delegator president and, when
reality hits -- whether in the form of a difficult war, a killer storm
or a misfiring veep -- it's not terribly surprising that the White House
has a hard time adjusting. The real chilling effect is the one that runs
down the spine of anyone who learns too much about the way this White
House operates.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/20/AR2006022001119.html?nav=hcmodule
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