[Mb-civic] An Explosive Gas Deal - Jackson Diehl - Washington Post Op-Ed
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Mon Feb 27 03:55:34 PST 2006
An Explosive Gas Deal
Putin's Hard Bargain Could Undermine Democracy in Europe
By Jackson Diehl
Monday, February 27, 2006; A15
Sometimes the stumbling blocks in international affairs are glaringly
obvious -- such as the victory of Islamic fundamentalists in Palestinian
elections, which has at least temporarily paralyzed the Bush
administration's policy of promoting democracy in the Middle East.
Sometimes, though, they are complicated, confusing or simply opaque, and
thus barely reported on by the press or understood beyond a small circle
of experts.
That might explain why there has been so little discussion in Washington
of a gas deal between Russia and Ukraine this winter that, in its own
way, may be as significant as the Palestinian vote. Here is a terribly
dense tangle of a half-dozen contracts that involves hidden partners,
disputed pricing arrangements, and esoteric side agreements about
transit fees and storage facilities. It is mind-numbingly boring -- and
it may tip the balance against democracy in much of the eastern half of
Europe.
The story surfaced briefly at the beginning of January, when Russian
President Vladimir Putin made the mistake of partially halting gas
deliveries to Ukraine -- and to much of Western Europe, which receives
Russian supplies through a Ukrainian pipeline. Chastised by big
customers such as Germany, Putin -- who had been trying to force Ukraine
to accept a 400 percent price increase -- quickly turned the gas back
on. A couple of days later a deal was announced in Moscow and Kiev that
appeared to resolve the dispute more or less equitably: The nominal
price of Ukraine's gas rose by a mere 90 percent.
It was not until more than a month later that the Bush administration
and other key allies of Ukraine's pro-Western government -- elected
after the popular Orange Revolution of 2004 -- learned more about what
was in the Russian-Ukrainian contracts. When they did they were stunned.
Ukraine's president, Viktor Yushchenko, and Prime Minister Yuriy
Yekhanurov had agreed to purchase Ukraine's gas through a Swiss trading
company whose owners and beneficiaries are publicly unknown -- but are
rumored to include senior officials and organized crime figures in both
Russia and Ukraine. They granted this same shadowy company a 50 percent
share in the business of delivering gas to Ukrainian consumers. They
accepted a price deal on gas delivered to Ukraine lasting only a few
months but guaranteed that rock-bottom rates charged by Ukraine for the
storage and transit of Russian gas to the West would be frozen for 25 years.
What does this have to do with democracy in Europe? In effect, some U.S.
experts concluded, the Ukrainians may have sold to Putin that which he
was prevented from stealing: a Kremlin stranglehold on Ukraine's
government. The Russian leader poured money and men into his huge
neighbor in late 2004 in a blatant bid to install a pro-Moscow strongman
as president and make Ukraine's political system a mirror of the new
authoritarian Russian order. His overreach triggered the Orange
Revolution and the subsequent democratic election of Yushchenko, whose
goals include leading Ukraine to membership in NATO and the European Union.
Putin sees the fragile new democracy in Ukraine, and an allied
government in the tiny Black Sea nation of Georgia, as dire threats. If
Western-style freedom consolidates and spreads in the former Soviet
republics of Eastern Europe, his own undemocratic regime will be
isolated and undermined. What's more, Ukraine and its neighbors are
likely to integrate with Europe rather than remaining economic and
political vassals of Russia.
After a turbulent year of free politics, Ukraine has another crucial
election, for a newly empowered parliament, scheduled for March 26. This
time Putin has avoided open intervention in the campaign. Instead he
triggered the gas crisis and presented his Ukrainian enemies with a
choice: Swallow a mammoth midwinter price increase for the fuel
Ukrainians use to heat their homes, just weeks before the election, or
hand Russia a commanding long-term stake in Ukrainian energy
infrastructure -- and the ability to trigger a gas supply crisis at any
time. Yushchenko and Yekhanurov chose the second option, while also
agreeing to divert some of the huge profits to undisclosed
beneficiaries. When confronted by U.S. officials, they claimed that they
had no choice; until now they have denied knowing who owns the shell
company through which Ukraine will channel billions of dollars.
How to save democracy in Ukraine, and the chance it will someday spread
back to Russia? As in the Middle East, the Bush administration faces
some difficult choices. If pro-Western parties lead the next government
-- something that is far from certain -- President Bush could press them
to scrap the gas deal as a condition for taking the first step toward
membership in NATO, a "membership action plan." But that would probably
lead to a new face-off between Ukraine and Putin, in which Kiev would
require U.S. and European support -- at a moment when those same allies
are pleading for the Kremlin's help with the Palestinians and Iran.
Or the administration could decide to sidestep Putin's gas-fired
imperialism, leaving a complicated issue to its present obscurity. The
Ukrainians might eventually find a way to free themselves from Russia's
chokehold. But they also might allow one of the signal democratic
breakthroughs of the Bush years to suffer a crippling reverse.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/26/AR2006022601266.html?nav=hcmodule
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