[Mb-civic] Skip St. Petersburg, Mr. Bush - Anne Applebaum - Washington Post Op-Ed
William Swiggard
swiggard at comcast.net
Wed Mar 8 03:57:50 PST 2006
Skip St. Petersburg, Mr. Bush
By Anne Applebaum
The Washington Post
Wednesday, March 8, 2006; A19
Close your eyes and say it out loud: "G-8." Let the two syllables run
across your tongue again: "gee-eight." What images drift into your brain?
If you are like most Americans, I suspect that this simple psychological
experiment will produce something like, "stuffy statesmen, boring
meeting, prepackaged conclusions." Or maybe, "screaming protesters, riot
police, prepackaged slogans." Or even, "turn the page and read something
else."
Maybe it isn't surprising. After all, the Group of Eight, once known as
the Group of Seven, started life as a private meeting between the
leaders of the world's largest industrial democracies. Off the record,
they discussed the economic and political problems of the day. The only
"message" produced was a statement to the effect that inflation was bad
and oil prices were high.
Over the years, the G-8 evolved. Even as it came to mean less and less
to Americans, it meant more and more to others. The Japanese, seeing the
G-8 as a substitute for the U.N. Security Council they'll never join,
spent lavishly, racking up a $750 million bill last time they hosted.
The Europeans, leaping on the chance to set the international agenda,
chose elaborate, crowd-pleasing "themes" to do with aid or technology.
African, Latin American and Middle Eastern leaders showed up to bask in
the reflected limelight. The Russian president, Boris Yeltsin, was
allowed first to attend meetings and then to join, on the muddled
grounds that making him a member, despite his country's lack of
qualifications, would magically turn Russia into one of the world's
largest democracies, too. It did not.
But now, having acquired ludicrous levels of significance and symbolism,
the institution faces a genuine crisis. In July, the organization is
going to meet for the first time under Russian leadership, in Russian
President Vladimir Putin's hometown of St. Petersburg. And for the first
time, a G-8 summit could produce, along with the bland communique, a
political backlash harmful to all.
For by going to St. Petersburg, President Bush, Prime Minister Tony
Blair, President Jacques Chirac, and the leaders of Italy, Germany,
Canada and Japan will in effect place their stamp of approval on the
removal of political rights, the harassment of independent groups, the
renationalization of energy and the censorship of media that Putin has
imposed on his country since he took over from Yeltsin six years ago.
They will also give their blessing to Putin's use of gas pipelines to
threaten Ukraine, and to his ambiguous role in Iranian nuclear and
Middle East peace negotiations. And after Bush goes home, the denizens
of the Kremlin -- along with Venezuelans, Iranians, Arab leaders and
others around the world -- will sit back, laugh and agree that the
leaders of the so-called West merely pay lip service to the ideals of
freedom and democracy; they don't really believe in them. If you have
enough oil, they'll let you into their clubs anyway. The long-term
result: The American president's ability to speak credibly about
democracy and political freedom will be irreparably damaged.
Perhaps you think it ridiculous to sound so apocalyptic about a meeting
that most Americans find too boring to read about. But don't listen to
me, listen to Andrei Illarionov, an economic adviser to Putin before he
resigned last year in disgust. Illarionov says that Putin invariably
returns from G-8 meetings feeling strengthened and empowered in his
political course -- and it is true that Putin's opponents have been
arrested or put on trial in a summit's wake. He also says the G-8 is
taken deadly seriously in Russia, and shrugs when told that Americans
don't much care one way or the other. "What is important is not how you,
in the U.S., view the G-8. You have to think how your participation will
be viewed and used in the world." Nor does it matter that U.S. leaders
have always met with Russian dictators, since, to the Russians and to
others, this is much different from a bilateral meeting: "There is no
case in previous history when you endorsed such policies at such a
level, at the G-8 level."
I should explain that Illarionov is in Washington this week for a
conference. I should also add that he says he's been surprised by how
many people, both here and in Russia, have asked whether he's really
returning to Moscow afterward -- "will you dare go back" being a
question that no one even considered asking five years ago. It is tragic
but true: Russia has once again become a place where blunt-speaking
economists have to watch their backs.
There is still time: President Bush has four months to decide whether he
wants to endorse this new Russia, four months to decide whether he wants
to bestow on Putin the full approval of the West's most prestigious
club, four months to decide whether he will destroy what remains of his
credibility as a promoter of democracy and human rights. He can mitigate
the damage -- he can stop in Vilnius or Kiev on the way, he can declare
his faith in freedom to his Russian hosts -- but neither the Kremlin,
nor the other opponents of democracy around the world, will care. All
they will remember is that he was there.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/07/AR2006030701332.html?nav=hcmodule
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